This article presents a large body of qualitative material on healthcare access and barriers for unauthorized immigrants living in the US-Mexico borderlands. The focus is on active sequences of health-seeking behavior and barriers encountered in them. Barriers include direct legal mandates, fear of authorities, obstacles to movement by immigration law enforcement, interaction of unauthorized legal status with workplace and household relations, and hierarchical social interactions in healthcare and wider social settings. At the same time, important resilience factors include community-oriented healthcare services and the learning/confidence-building process that enable the unauthorized to connect to such services. An important finding is that barriers are not discrete factors but rather occur as webs that make solution of challenges more difficult than individual barriers alone. Outcomes include incomplete sequences of care, especially breakdowns in complex diagnoses, long-term treatment, and monitoring of chronic conditions.

Résumé: La discrétion exercée par les agents de première ligne des services frontaliers représente un élément fondamental dans l'étude de la façon que les états-nations traitent les populations mobiles aux frontières internationales et près de celles-ci. Cette discrétion implique non seulement des décisions sur les moments d'agir, instants réactionnaires marqués par des circonstances, des personnes ou des motifs légaux particuliers, mais aussi des décisions sur les moments de nepasagir. Une étude des inactions complète l'ensemble des informations nécessaires afin de délimiter l'inégalité du triage social par l'État. Cette inégalité est soulignée dans l'analyse des documents frontaliers à l'aide d'une perspective novatrice: l'auteur examine les raisons pourquoi, dans un tel contexte, certains frontaliers inspirent confiance tandis que d'autres sont considérés comme des risques potentiels. L'allocation de la confiance et du risque est des plus intéressantes et complexes, révélant plusieurs processus majeurs opérant simultanément, à savoir les inégalités de classe et de race ainsi que la promulgation territoriale de l'État-nation.

Various sectors of stakeholders (urban, agricultural, policymakers, etc.) are frequently engaged in participatory research projects aimed at improving water resources’ sustainability. However, a process for comprehensive and integrative identification, classification, and engagement of all types of water stakeholders for a region or river basin, especially in a transboundary context, is missing for water resources research projects. Our objective was to develop a systematic approach to identifying and classifying water stakeholders, and engage them in a discussion of water futures, as a foundation for a participatory modeling research project to address the wicked water resource problems of the Middle Rio Grande basin on the U.S./Mexico border. This part of the Rio Grande basin can be characterized as having limited and dwindling supplies of water, increasing demands for water from multiple sectors, and a segmented governance system spanning two U.S. states and two countries. These challenges are being exacerbated by climate change; a transitioning agriculture to more water demanding, high value crops; urbanization; and growing demand for environmental services. Moving forward, a core question for this region is how can water be managed so that the three competing sectors—agricultural, urban, and environmental—can realize a sustainable future in this challenged water system? We identified the major water-using sectors who represent competing demands as including agricultural, municipal, self-supplied industrial users, environmental, and a sector we labeled “social justice”, comprised of individuals who lack access to potable water, or who represent groups who advocate for access to water. We included stakeholders from both the U.S. and Mexico, which is seldom done, who share transboundary water resources in the region. We hosted a series of stakeholder dialogues and obtained results that identified and described their vision for the future of water; challenges to be overcome; and important research questions that could be addressed using participatory modeling approaches. Four broad themes common to multiple sectors emerged: (1) quantity, drought, and scarcity; (2) quality/salinization; (3) urbanization; and (4) conservation and sustainability. Each sector expressed distinctive views regarding the future of water. Agricultural stakeholders, in particular, had strong feelings of ownership of water rights as part of land ownership and a concomitant sense of threat to those water rights emanating from dwindling supplies and competing demands. The contribution of this work is a methodology for identifying, classifying, and engaging all types of stakeholders in the context of a research project, enabling us to compare and contrast views of different types of stakeholders. Heretofore, this has been accomplished in “bits and pieces”, but never comprehensively and holistically.

Arjun Appadurai's essay `Disjuncture and Difference in the Global Cultural Economy' popularized the idea of `global flows'. He argues that these flows are `disjunctive' and `chaotic' in character and that they supersede standard geographical thinking in social-cultural analysis. Appadurai's emphasis on disjuncture prioritizes ephemeral and shifting flows, thereby underestimating the relative power of capital and the interactions between different kinds of flows. Likewise, Appadurai's view of geography assumes that static units are the opposite of flows, whereas a processual geography understands how flows can create, reproduce, and transform geographic spaces. This alternative helps us understand global inequalities and boundaries better than Appadurai's does, and enables us to broach the topic of differentiated rights and treatments of mobile populations. The goal of a critical reading of this essay is not destructive; rather, we seek to construct a more powerful social-cultural anthropology of dynamic flows and mobilities.

Bilingual call centers in El Paso, Texas, an extensively bilingual US-Mexico border setting, provide a valuable opportunity to examine empirically what occurs with respect to language shift reversal of Spanish in the context of new information economy. Interviews were conducted with thirty-nine call center operators and managers, and twelve translators and interpreters. Call centers provide an important occupational performance of and recognition to the Spanish language. Nevertheless, bilingual call centers mainly rely on uncompensated, socially provided language skills in Spanish, a freely available “heritage language” in the border setting. Spanish is not valued as a technical competency, worth specific attention to training, management of language features, and extra compensation. Bilingualism is used in the labor market as a sign of cheap and flexible labor, rather than as economically and socially valued “skill,” even though in the new information workplace it serves the latter role. (Call centers, new economy, language and workplace, bilingualism, Spanish, borders)*