The hukou system is one of the most enduring legacies of the 20th-century Chinese socialist control instruments. The hukou in the Chinese context is an official identity of residency rights in a given geographic unit. Cities use the hukou policy to impede the urban hukou of migrants who are deemed unworthy in terms of socioeconomic attributes. Based on policy documents and data collected from forty-five sample cities, this paper offers statistical measures and explanations for barriers to urban hukou nationwide. The paper introduces the city's entry barrier (CEB) index to rank the degree of difficulty of acquiring urban hukou and performs factor analysis to identify the key determinants that significantly explain the various levels of the CEB index across cities. Our empirical findings suggest that a more developed city tends to develop a higher entry barrier to its hukou. The intention of city governments to impose barriers to urban hukou is enshrined largely in their progrowth mentality and their metaphors on the political economy of urbanization.

One paradoxical reality of today's China is that urban citizenship does not necessarily go to those who have already moved to the city. Rural migrants are now allowed to work in cities but are deprived of a wide range of entitlements. Taking Shanghai, the most populous city in the world's most populous country, as a case study, this article establishes significant empirical content to elucidate how the notion of urban citizenship is interpreted in China, what criteria are applied for granting the urban citizenship, to what extent the entitlements of migrants in cities are comparable to those of the bona fide urban residents, and whether the lack of urban citizenship influences migrants' integration into host cities. Empirical investigation shows that granting of the urban hukou (household registration) is based largely on migrants' contribution to, rather than simply on their presence in, the host city. In the context of reform-era China, urban citizenship is used by city government not only to exclude some members of society from accessing urban welfare but also to make the urban economy more competitive by grabbing capital and human resources possessed by migrants.

Urban infrastructure has been substantially upgraded in reform-era China. This paper explains, contextually and empirically, how Chinese cities finance their infrastructure. It demonstrates that China has succeeded in addressing urban infrastructure backlogs by opening up new venues for financing, but simultaneously, heavily relying on unconventional sources. The paper also argues that urban infrastructure financing has much to do with the country’s transition to a market-oriented economy that fosters the pro-growth role of city governments as well as the redistribution of fiscal power between the levels of the urban hierarchy that produces significant variation of financial capacities among the different administrative ranks of cities.

In today’s China, over 230 million urban migrants are denied a number of government-funded social benefits which are the basic entitlements of local hukou residents. A conventional justification for this denial is a fiscal burden, since city governments have to shoulder much of the fiscal costs of migration. This article probes whether such denial can be understood by the fiscal capacity of city governments. To develop the understanding, the article estimates expenditure need, calculated as a measure of the cost of providing basic public services for an urban hukou for a sample of 45 cities. It also examines whether local fiscal capacity, based on the comparison of expenditure need with available resources in the given city, can provide equitable and sustainable public services to large and growing migrant populations. The authors find that, although expenditure need per hukou varies considerably between cities, available budgetary resources are not commensurate with expenditure responsibilities in almost all cities. Hukou liberalization requires the central government to play a decisive role in equalizing fiscal capacities between cities.

Scholars studying Chinese development have long acknowledged the significance of the hukou system in impeding internal migration and defining welfare entitlements. However, another crucial barrier is often overlooked: the incomplete transferability of acquired welfare rights. By examining the case of the Urban Employee Basic Pension System, this paper aims to understand how the limited transferability of acquired rights acts as an obstacle to labour migration and entitlement accomplishment. It also seeks to explore the factors that are accountable for the low level of welfare rights transferability. Our findings suggest that migration and entitlement barriers today may not be so much a question of a particular form of hukou exclusion but more of a problem of insufficient rights portability. An in-depth understanding of the structural constraints of China's reform-era migration and rights attainment needs to take into account the transferability of welfare entitlements for migrant workers, and go beyond a narrow conceptualization of the hukou system per se.