Engaging peer-interviewers in qualitative inquiry is becoming more popular. Yet, there are differing opinions as to whether this practice improves the research process or is prohibitively challenging. Benefits noted in the literature are improved awareness/acceptance of disenfranchised groups, improved quality of research, and increased comfort of participants in the research process. Challenges include larger investment in time and money to hire, train, and support peer-interviewers, and the potential to disrupt peer recovery. We illustrate, through case study, how to engage peer-interviewers, meet potential challenges, and the benefits of such engagement. We draw upon our experience from a qualitative study designed to understand men’s experiences of problem gambling and housing instability. We hired three peers to conduct semi-structured qualitative interviews with 30 men from a community-based organization. We contend, that with appropriate and adequate resources (time, financial investment), peer-interviewing produces a positive, capacity building experience for peer-interviewers, participants and researchers.

We used grounded theory to understand pathways and trajectories to housing instability (HI) and poor health among low-income women with experiences of intimate partner violence (IPV). We conducted in-depth interviews during 2010–11 with forty-one women (ages 18–45 years) living in Ontario, Canada. All women reported depressive symptoms in combination with other health problems. In addition to the direct pathway of IPV to poor health, thematic analysis revealed an indirect multi-tiered pathway with complex trajectories among IPV, HI, and poor health. These trajectories included material HI (homelessness, high mobility, evictions, problems paying rent, hiding, and landlord discrimination), psychological HI (feeling unsafe, low self-esteem, and poor control), and social trajectories (financial problems, loss of employment, income, or social networks, and leaving school). These trajectories elevated stress and decreased self-care (unhealthy behaviors, substance abuse, and reduced medical compliance) and exacerbated poor health already compromised by IPV. Depending on her specific context, each woman experienced these pathways and trajectories differently. Moreover, the women’s experiences differed across three time periods: before, immediately after, and long after leaving an abusive relationship. Finally, we found that for these women, achieving stable housing was crucial for stabilizing their health.

Although recent research has documented that partner violence places women at risk of homelessness and material housing instability, sparse evidence yet documents the existence or importance of psychological housing instability for this group. We draw from 45 women’s reports of their experiences of housing instability across three periods: while living with their abusive partner, immediately after leaving the partner, and long after leaving. Housing instability—material and especially psychological—was a major concern for women across all periods, along with co-occurring social, familial, financial, mental health, and violence related problems. In the absence of coordinated services models, access to and navigation of available services to address these simultaneous problems posed important challenges for these women. The concept of housing instability should be expanded to include psychological instability, and, for women who are experiencing abuse, should be considered alongside numerous social and health problems that exacerbate housing precarity.

Problem gambling (PG) is a serious public health concern that disproportionately affects people experiencing poverty, homelessness, and multimorbidity including mental health and substance use concerns. Little research has focused on self-help and self-management in gambling recovery, despite evidence that a substantial number of people do not seek formal treatment. This study explored the literature on PG self-management strategies. Self-management was defined as the capacity to manage symptoms, the intervention, health consequences and altered lifestyle that accompanies a chronic health concern. We searched 10 databases to identity interdisciplinary articles from the social sciences, allied health professions, nursing and psychology, between 2000 and June 28, 2017. We reviewed records for eligibility and extracted data from relevant articles. Studies were included in the review if they examined PG self-management strategies used by adults (18+) in at least a subset of the sample, and in which PG was confirmed using a validated diagnostic or screening tool. We conducted a scoping review of studies from 2000 to 2017, identifying 31 articles that met the criteria for full text review from a search strategy that yielded 2662 potential articles. The majority of studies examined self-exclusion (39%), followed by use of workbooks (35%), and money or time limiting strategies (17%). The remaining 8% focused on cognitive, behavioural and coping strategies, stress management, and mindfulness. Given that a minority of people with gambling concerns seek treatment, that stigma is an enormous barrier to care, and that PG services are scarce and most do not address multimorbidity, it is important to examine the personal self-management of gambling as an alternative to formalized treatment.

There is evidence that involuntary housing instability may undermine health and well-being. For women who have experienced intimate partner violence (IPV), achieving stability is likely as important for other groups, but can be challenging. Through our analysis of 41 interviews with women who have experienced low income and IPV, we argue that definitions of housing stability are multifaceted and for many centred on a shared understanding of the importance of creating an environment of “home”. We found that obtaining housing that satisfied material needs was important to women. However, in asking women to define what housing stability meant to them, we found that other factors related to ontological security and the home, such as safety, community, and comfort, contributed to women’s experiences of stability. Through our discussion of the importance these women placed on establishing stable homes, we argue that future research on women’s experiences with housing stability and IPV should include definitions of stability that capture both material security and women’s experiences with building emotionally stable homes.