The ongoing climate changes necessitate an effective climate policy. The energy transition is now an important topic and problem, especially in Poland. (1) The undertaken analysis of the problem of energy transition is important for political, social and technological reasons. Political, because it shows the weakness of the implementation of Polish energy policy in regards to climate change. Social, because energy transition will bring about significant social changes in the largest industrial region of Poland. Technological, as the departure from fossil fuels requires the introduction of other sources of energy on a massive scale, for which Poland is not prepared. The aim of the study was to critically analyse the activities to date in the field of energy transition in Poland. The second goal of the analysis was an attempt to answer the question of whether the process of energy transition and achieving the goals set in the EU’s European Green Deal are possible at all until 2050. (2) To achieve the goals, the system method and the decision-making method were primarily used. These methods allowed for an examination of the main determinants of the Polish energy transformation. (3) The main results include the confirmation, contrary to the announcements of the Polish government, that despite the adoption in Poland of the strategy “Poland’s energy policy until 2040”, the effective implementation of the energy transition before 2050 is not only very difficult, but may even be impossible to implement in the assumed time. This is due to political, economic, social and technological conditions. Coal energy is outdated, expensive and ineffective. Due to natural conditions, wind energy is not able to meet the energy demand of the industry. The development of nuclear energy is only in the planning phase. (4) To sum up, in the next thirty years, Poland will not be able to achieve the assumed effects of the energy transition, which is in contradiction with the official declaration of the government.

The present wicked challenges need novel and transdisciplinary solutions. Universities play important role in the process of developing innovation, but it requires a broad cooperation of different actors, including the civil society organizations. The latter is still a challenge. Therefore, this paper examining the potential, intentions and the constraints of collaboration with NGO sector in the Pomeranian region. The findings indicate that the lack of behavioral intention to cooperate on the part of an NGO is a major limitation and the barriers stem primarily from the respondents' perception of the low level of agency of their organizations.

Three studies were carried out to examine whether trust in sources of information on technology is related to positive attitudes toward shale gas drilling. Factors we controlled for included: scientific knowledge, universalism and security as personal values, attitudes towards science, personal and group identity fusion, political views, and valence of the media information people received. We assumed hypothesis 1, that trust in the source of the information would be a significant predictor of positive attitudes toward shale gas, above and beyond other variables we controlled for (study 1). Also, we stated hypothesis 2, that trust in the source of information on technology in question would be related to more positive attitudes toward shale gas when more positive information is provided, and to more negative perception of gas drilling when less positive information is presented. Thus, we expected an interaction effect between trust and valence of information presented to participants (studies 2 and 3). Participants completed questionnaires in Poland (studies 1 and 2) and the USA (study 3). They where recruited from communities in regions where shale gas industry could potentially be developed (study 2) or has been developed (study 3). The results showed: (a) a significant relationship between trust in negative information on shale gas and negative attitudes toward extraction; (b) a significant interaction between trust and valence of information on shale gas. That is, trust in the source of information was related to more positive attitudes toward shale gas when a positive view is provided, and to more negative attitudes when undesirable information is presented.

Konflikt zbrojny pomiędzy Rosją a Ukrainą spowodował znaczne ograniczenie dostaw surowców energetycznych z Rosji do Polski, a ceny energii w Polsce drastycznie wzrosły w drugiej połowie 2022 r. Konieczne wydaje się zatem zbadanie skali ubóstwa energetycznego (EP) w Polsce, aby skutecznie wspierać dotknięte nim gospodarstwa domowe. Ponieważ polityki wsparcia mają sens jedynie na poziomie gmin, celem podjętych przez autorów badań była analiza czynników i określenie zasięgu EP gospodarstw domowych na wybranym obszarze — powiatu augustowskiego. Drugim celem badania jest wykazanie, iż wybór metody badawczej i przyjętych kryteriów może prowadzić do znacząco dużych rozbieżności w wynikach, co może determinować wybór metody badawczej ze względów politycznych i ekonomicznych. W celu weryfikacji hipotezy o większym stopniu EP na wsi niż w gminach miejskich wykorzystano dane na poziomie gmin, w podziale na gminy miejskie i wiejskie. W badaniach wykorzystano obliczenia statystyczne oraz analizę bogatej literatury dotyczącej definicji i teorii pomiaru ubóstwa. Badania wykazały przestrzenne zróżnicowanie EP na terenie badanego powiatu (w którym wynosiło 27,85%) i jego gmin. W mieście Augustów EP wyniosło 11,00%, a w gminie Płaska, charakteryzującej się najwyższym poziomem ubóstwa, sięgało ponad 64,00%. Wybrana metoda badawcza, oparta na ustawowej definicji ubóstwa energetycznego, w istotny sposób ogranicza występowanie tego zjawiska w porównaniu z innymi metodami. W literaturze przedmiotu nie osiągnięto konsensusu co do definicji ubóstwa energetycznego. Doprowadziło to do przyjęcia odmiennych metod i kryteriów badania, co spowodowało istotne różnice w określeniu jego skali, co utrudniało prowadzenie polityki wsparcia gospodarstw domowych.

The author analyses the relationship between the groups representing territorial interests and lobbying in the European Union. She points out the genesis of formation of representative offices of the regions in Brussels at the end of the eighties, highlighting the interdependence of the process and the reforms of the EU regional policy. She also draws attention to the impact of intensive cooperation between the European Commission and the regions with a kind of “avoidance” of the state-level, which according to many researchers of European integration have led to the formation of a multi-level system of power. In the later part of her work the author stresses the reasons for and motives of establishing of the regional offices in Brussels. Activity in this direction is shown not only by the regions of federal states that have competence in the area of foreign policy, but also by the majority of the territorial entities below the central level of unitary states. Explanations for this phenomenon are ambiguous. The reasons for such activity of the regions include: the transfer of competences from nation-state level to the supranational level, the mechanisms of adaptation and the Europeanization of the lobbying activity. In conclusion, the author draws attention to the lack of research in the field of formation, evolution and importance of the territorial/regional interests in the European Union, indicating their potential to explain the changes taking place in the European Union Member States due to the impact caused by their affiliation with this organization.