People comply with governmental restrictions for different motives, notably because they are concerned about the issue at hand or because they trust their government to enact appropriate regulations. The present study focuses on the role of concern and political trust in people’s willingness to comply with governmental restrictions during the Covid-19 pandemic. We conducted a survey amongst Italian and French participants (N = 372) in March 2020 while both countries had imposed full lockdown. Moreover, a subsample of participants reported on their actual levels of compliance one week later (N = 130). We hypothesised that either concern or trust should be sufficient to sustain participants’ willingness to comply and actual behaviour, but that the absence of both (distrustful complacency) would reduce compliance significantly. Results supported this hypothesis. We discuss implications of the interaction between concern and trust for public behaviour strategies as the pandemic progresses.

In this paper, we document changes in political trust in the UK throughout 2020 so as to consider wider implications for the ongoing handling of the COVID-19 pandemic. We analysed data from 18 survey organisations with measures on political trust (general, leadership, and COVID-19-related) spanning the period December 2019–October 2020. We examined the percentage of trust and distrust across time, identifying where significant changes coincide with national events. Levels of political trust were low following the 2019 UK General Election. They rose at the onset of UK lockdown imposed in March 2020 but showed persistent gradual decline throughout the remainder of the year, falling to pre-COVID levels by October 2020. Inability to sustain the elevated political trust achieved at the onset of the pandemic is likely to have made the management of public confidence and behaviour increasingly challenging, pointing to the need for strategies to sustain trust levels when handling future crises.

We test the hypothesis that COVID‐19 vaccine hesitancy is attributable to distrustful complacency—an interactive combination of low concern and low trust. Across two studies, 9,695 respondents from different parts of Britain reported their level of concern about COVID‐19, trust in the UK government, and intention to accept or refuse the vaccine. Multilevel regression analysis, controlling for geographic area and relevant demographics, confirmed the predicted interactive effect of concern and trust. Across studies, respondents with both low trust and low concern were 10%–22% more vaccine hesitant than respondents with either high trust or high concern, and 26%–29% more hesitant than respondents with both high trust and high concern. Results hold equally among White, Black, and Muslim respondents, consistent with the view that regardless of mean‐level differences, a common process underlies vaccine hesitancy, underlining the importance of tackling distrustful complacency both generally and specifically among unvaccinated individuals and populations.

Mobility as a Service (MaaS) is anticipated to revolutionize transport by integrating conventional public transport with on-demand and shared services. This innovation promises enhanced convenience, flexibility, and sustainability in urban mobility, drawing interest from both researchers and industry. However, those systems heavily rely on the collection and sharing of personal data among various stakeholders, introducing security and privacy risks. To understand the scale and scope of cyber security and privacy concerns and risks associated with MaaS, we conducted a systematic literature review (SLR) covering 87 relevant research papers published between 2017 and April 2025. Our review represents the most comprehensive examination focusing on cyber security and privacy issues of MaaS systems. Our findings reveal three themes discussed within the MaaS literature: (i) cyber security and privacy risks inherent to MaaS systems, alongside proposed solutions to mitigate such risks; (ii) users’ concerns about these risks and how they affect MaaS adoption; and (iii) laws and policies that govern cyber security and privacy aspects of MaaS systems and solutions. As such, our research serves to not only inform MaaS service providers and users but also advise policymakers and legislators on the potential risks involved and the regulatory measures required to address them.

We conducted two studies examining the factors underlying individuals’ legitimization of hackers (digital actors operating on the internet). Drawing on the social banditry framework, and research on political action, we focused on the mediating role of anger in the association between external political efficacy and perceived legitimization of hackers’ actions. Specifically, we manipulated whether the system was responsive to participants’ demands following unfair treatment in a university (Study 1) and in an online work platform (Study 2) context. In Study 1 (N = 259) British undergraduate students read about unfair “grading” practices. They were then informed that the management was either willing (high external political efficacy) or unwilling (low external political efficacy) to investigate the matter. In Study 2 (N = 222), British participants were recruited via Prolific Academic and were presented with a scenario describing an unfair rejection of their work. They were then informed that the platform admin was either willing or not willing to investigate their case. Across studies, participants were informed that hackers had attacked the website. Supporting the social banditry framework, results indicated that individuals who perceive the system as unresponsive to their demands tended to legitimize hackers’ actions via stronger perceived anger against the system. Implications of the results, and future directions are discussed.

This study investigates the role of some psychological variables associated with populist attitudes, specifically focusing on Conspiracy Mentality (CM) and Uncertainty Avoidance (UA). This approach allows for the examination of both belief‐system orientations and cognitive predispositions in explaining the psychological underpinnings of populism. Although CM has been previously linked to populism, our research reveals new insights into the interaction between UA and political orientation. Using data from a representative sample of 1000 Italians, we show that CM is consistently associated with populist attitudes across the political spectrum. Whereas, UA's impact is moderated by political orientation, influencing populist attitudes primarily among right‐leaning individuals. These findings highlight the complex interplay of psychological factors and ideological leanings, contributing to the growing understanding of how epistemic and existential motivations might shape populist beliefs. This study advances the field by highlighting differentiated psychological patterns in populist attitudes, with UA emerging as especially salient among conservatives.